Friday, 13 December 2013
Tuesday, 19 November 2013
Bootstrapping conceptual normativity?
Abstract
Both anti-reductionist and reductionist accounts of linguistic
meaning and mental content face challenges accounting for learning a first
language. Anti-reductionists cannot account for a transition from the
pre-conceptual to conceptual without threatening to reduce the latter to the
former. Reductionists of a representationalist variety face the challenge of
Fodor’s argument that language learning is impossible.
This paper examines whether Ginsborg’s account of primitive normativity might provide some resources for addressing these issues. Rejecting her ‘no conception’ account of normativity in favour of a demonstrative, local conception provides one response to Fodor’s argument which is available to an anti-reductionist and at least a further hint as to how context-independent linguistic concepts can be developed from context-dependent local conceptions of how to go on.
This paper examines whether Ginsborg’s account of primitive normativity might provide some resources for addressing these issues. Rejecting her ‘no conception’ account of normativity in favour of a demonstrative, local conception provides one response to Fodor’s argument which is available to an anti-reductionist and at least a further hint as to how context-independent linguistic concepts can be developed from context-dependent local conceptions of how to go on.
The problem of concept learning
One of the challenges for an anti-reductionist account of
linguistic meaning and mental content is making space for an account of concept
learning. If, following John McDowell for example, one takes the space of
reasons to answer to a distinct constitutive ideal from that of the realm of
law, it is hard to see how the route from the latter to the former can be articulated.
Any such articulation would threaten to provide – what the anti-reductionist
denies – a reduction of the concepts of the space of reasons to those of the
realm of law.
McDowell himself suggests that Wittgenstein’s phrase ‘light dawns
gradually over the whole’ provides a natural metaphor for learning a first
language ‘for one’s dealings with language to cease to be blind responses to
stimuli: one comes to hear utterances as expressive of thoughts , and to make
one’s own utterances as expressive of thoughts’ [McDowell 1998: 333]. But he
suggests that this process cannot be limited to a few sentences but involves
working one’s way ‘into a conception of the world’. Suggestive though
Wittgenstein’s phrase is, it does little to shed light on how the process of
language learning might come about so much as summarise, albeit neatly, the
fact that some such process does come about.
Whilst anti-reductionists face a principled problem, the most
striking recent philosophical argument about language learning comes from one
of their reductionist opponents. In LOT2: The language of thought revisited,
Jerry Fodor sets out a specific argument for the difficulty of accounting for
concept acquisition [Fodor 2008]. Or rather, he argues that such language
learning must be impossible.
Fodor’s argument has four steps:
1.
Concept learning is a rational process.
2.
The only plausible rational process is
hypothesis formation and testing.
3.
But that requires the conceptual representation
of the hypothesis, which presupposes possession of the concept to be learnt.
4.
So concept learning is impossible.
The first step contrasts learning as a rational process with any
form of non-rational process of concept acquisition such as by surgical
implantation, swallowing a pill or hitting one’s head against a hard surface.
Fodor then argues that the only plausible candidate for such a rational process
is a ‘process of projecting and confirming hypotheses about what the things
that the concept applies to have in common’ [ibid: 132].
The argument for the third step is couched in the terms of
Fodor’s ‘Representational Theory of Mind’ (RTM) and is, initially at least,
restricted to primitive, that is non-definable, concepts.
Consider any concept that you’re prepared to accept as primitive,
the concept GREEN as it might be. Then ask ‘What is the hypothesis the
inductive confirmation of which constitutes the learning of that concept?’
Well, to acquire a concept is at least to know what it’s the concept of ; that
is, what’s required of things that the concept applies to. So, maybe learning
the concept GREEN is coming to believe that GREEN applies to (all and only)
green things; it’s surely plausible that coming to believe that is at least a
necessary condition for acquiring GREEN. Notice, however, that (assuming RTM) a
token of the concept GREEN is a constituent of the belief that the concept
GREEN applies to all and only green things. A fortiori, nobody who lacked the
concept GREEN could believe this; nobody who lacked the concept GREEN could so
much as contemplate believing this. A fortiori, on pain of circularity, coming
to believe this can’t be the process by which GREEN is acquired. [ibid: 137-8]
And hence, he argues, no primitive concepts can be learnt. (He
goes on to lift this restriction but I will ignore that move here.)
Fodor’s RTM is implicit in the way he sets out the third stage:
that a token of the concept is a constituent of the belief about the
extension of the concept. This reflects his idea that concept possession is
explained by inner vehicles of content: mental representations. But even
without RTM, it is plausible to argue that the capacity to have such a belief –
however realised – presupposes possession of the concept, ascribed at the level
of the person, and so the argument floats free of Fodor’s particular views.
The principled problem of describing a process of concept
learning from an anti-reductionist perspective and Fodor’s specific argument
that concept learning is impossible presents a two-fold challenge. Can Fodor’s
argument be blocked and if so can the materials used to do that shed light on
concept learning even from an anti-reductionist perspective?
Ground rules
In what follows, I will make two substantial but related assumptions.
First, that concept learning is normative. Second, that it is, in some sense, a
rational process.
The view that concept learning is normative might follow from the
view that concept use is normative. Such a view has been espoused by Blackburn,
McDowell and others. But it has recently been contested by philosophers also responding
to Kripke’s argument for meaning scepticism which starts – or, at least, seems
to start – by assuming that meaning is normative and then using this to undermine
its factual base. McDowell’s response is to agree that the claim that meaning
is normative is itself philosophically innocuous and thus seek to show how that
escapes Kripke’s argument. Anti-normativists such as Hattiangadi agree that
meaning is connected to a notion of correctness but deny that correctness need
be a normative notion. For example if R states a rule for the correct use of a
term t which applies in virtue of features f
R (x)(t applies correctly to x ↔ x is f)
then Hattiangadi argues that this ‘simply states the correctness conditions of an expression; it
does not tell me what to do’ [Hattiangadi 2007: 223]. A mere descriptive sorting does not appear
to raise the problems for an account for meaning that the claim that it is normative
appears to.
One of
the key arguments deployed by anti-normativists is that meaning yields no clear
prescriptive norm in itself. Correctness conditions, for example, do not
prescribe that a true (or more broadly correct) use should be made unless also
combined with a prescriptive norm that one ought to speak the truth (or more
broadly correctly). And that additional norm seems too strong for specifically
semantic normativity.
Nevertheless, however that debate pans out, a rational process of
concept acquisition or learning does
look to be normative. In this context, correctness conditions are not merely a
neutral way of sorting subsequent utterances but rather constitute the aim or
goal of developing linguistic competence. (This is not to say that learning
must always involve practising with only true utterances, customary though that
may be. Parents may, and in my experience often do, teach correct use
indirectly be deliberately calling out the wrong names of objects as a kind of
game.) If an anti-normativist wishes to argue that the relevant prescriptive
ought applies not directly in virtue of the rules of correctness of words but
an adoption of those rules as the goal of concept learning, so be it.
The second assumption is that concept learning is, in some sense,
a rational process. McDowell calls the acquisition of a first language a matter
of being ‘cajoled’ [ibid: 333]. It is possible that being the recipient of such
cajoling is not so much a rational response as being brutely changed in such a
way that one can become a rational subject and make subsequent rational
responses. But I will assume that it is possible to say something about
rationality of the proto-linguistic responses of a subject in such a position.
My stalking horse will be Hanna Ginsborg’s account of ‘primitive
normativity’.
Ginsborg on primitive
normativity
Ginsborg’s account of primitive normativity is – like many of the
anti-normativists - designed as a response to Kripke’s meaning scepticism
[Kripke 1982]. As Ginsborg interprets the dialectic, Kripke assumes that grasp
of what one meant by a word in the past sets the standard for the correctness
of one’s current use of it. Part of what justifies giving the answer ‘125’ to
the question of what ‘57 plus 68 equals’ is what one has previously meant by ‘plus’. Kripke then mounts a
sceptical attack on how we can now know what we did earlier mean. Perhaps by
‘plus’ we really meant quus which tracks the plus function for past usage but
not the two current numbers.
In response, Ginsborg denies that to claim that one ought to say
‘125’ one needs first to establish that one previously meant addition. That one
ought to say ‘125’ is independent of any assumption about past meanings. She
claims: ‘I maintain that there is a sense in which you ought to say “125,”
given the finite list of your previous uses, independent of what meaning, if
any, those uses expressed’
[Ibid: 232-3]. Given this context, ‘primitive normativity’ is a normativity
independent of, and prior to, grasp of meaning. It is located below the level
of facts about meaning though still irreducibly normative. She sets out an
example of a child who is able to recite numerals and has learnt to count up in twos conuting from
‘40’ with ‘42’. Ginsborg characterises a conceptual-normativist account
of the child’s saying ‘42’ as follows:
[T]he child says “42” after “40” because she recognizes,
although without being able to put that recognition into words, that she has
been adding two and that 40 plus two is 42. Her sense of the appropriateness of
what she is saying thus derives from her recognition that it fits the rule she
was following: a rule which she grasps, even though she is unable to articulate
it. [ibid: 238]
On this higher level view, the correctness of the move – saying
‘42’ – depends on gasping a rule governing it. Primitive normativity involves
less than that. But, at the same time, it involves more than the merely
reliable dispositional reactions of a suitable trained parrot. By contrast with
such a parrot, that the child does not respond ‘blindly’ to her circumstances.
Even though she does not say “42” as a result of having
grasped the add-two rule, nor a fortiori of having “seen” that 40 plus two is
42, she nonetheless “sees” her utterance of “42” as appropriate to, or fitting,
her circumstances. [ibid: 237]
So even though the child lacks full blown conceptual mastery, she
has a sense of appropriateness, fitting or belonging which merits the label ‘normativity’. The parrot lacks
any such sense and hence is merely governed by dispositions not norms.
Ginsborg gives a second example of the kind of middle level
behaviour. She describes a child sorting coloured objects before she has
acquired determinate colour concepts.
As she puts each green object in the designated box, it is
plausible that she does so with a sense that this is the appropriate thing to
do. She takes it that the green spoon “belongs” in the box containing the
previously sorted green things and that the blue spoon does not, just as the
child in the previous example takes 42 and not 43 to “belong” after 40 in the
series of numerals. But her sense of the appropriateness of what she is doing
does not, at least on the face of it, depend on her taking what she is doing to
accord with a rule which she was following, for example, the rule that she is
to put all the green things in the same box. For her grasp of such a rule would
presuppose that she already possesses the concept green. [ibid: 235]
There are two sorts of general consideration to support the idea
of some sort of primitive normativity. One relates to Ginsborg’s specific
dialectical context. Mere dispositions will not provide a satisfactory response
to Kripke’s sceptical argument whilst full blown conceptual normativity will be
vulnerable to his original argument. (This is not to say that these are clear
cut but they provide a rationale for attempting to articulate a middle ground.)
The other relates back to Fodor’s argument. Mere dispositions
seem to leave too much of a gap still to cross to explain how a dispositional
stage might be an intermediary en route to conceptual mastery. By contrast,
invoking full blown conceptual mastery to characterise the counting child is to
provide no answer to the question how basic concepts can be learnt.
Nevertheless, there are two options for characterising primitive
normativity based on two distinct things Ginsborg says. She says of the
counting child both that:
1: ‘she lacked any conception of what her saying “42”
after “40” had in common with her having said “40” after “38”’ [ibid: 234
italics added]
but also:
2: ‘it seems plausible to imagine her insisting, with no less
conviction than a child who was able to cite the add-two rule, that “42” was
the right thing to say after “40”: that it “came next” in the series, or
“belonged” after 40, or “fit” what she had been doing previously’ [ibid:
234 italics added]
The former states that the counting child has no conception of what one move has in
common with a previous move. The second allows for the possibility of some conception that the next move fits or belongs (ie does have something in common) with the previous one in
context. The latter allows for a conception albeit a local one. Which does
Ginsborg hold?
‘No conception’ primitive
normativity
There is reason to think Ginsborg believes in the more radical,
minimal version. One suggestive passage runs:
The utterance, from [the counting child’s] point of view, is
not appropriate to the context in virtue of its conforming to a general rule
which the context imposed on her, for example, the add-two rule. Rather, she
takes it to be appropriate to the context simpliciter, in a way which
does not depend for its coherence on the idea of an antecedently applicable
rule to which it conforms. [ibid: 234-5]
Now one way to interpret the phrase ‘antecedently applicable
rule’ is a context-independent general specification of a rule. In the context
of a mathematical series, that is a plausible way of cashing out full blown
conceptual normativity. And hence its rejection might allow for a merely
demonstratively specified local
conception of the demands of a rule. On this alternative view, whilst the child
does not have a general conception of what it is to add two, cannot grasp its
relation to other aspects of arithmetic for example, she can, nevertheless,
recognise in some particular context that saying ‘42’ is the right move.
But the phrase ‘antecedently applicable rule’ might equally be
taken to mean, and hence to rule out, any
conception of a rule. If so, the context imposes a sense of what move belongs with previous moves, of what
next move is right, independently of any conception the child has of what she
is doing. The way the quotation continues adds to this latter impression:
This is not to deny that the normativity depends on any facts
about the context, since the appropriateness of “42” depends on her having
recited that particular sequence of number words. But it is to deny that her
claim to the appropriateness of “42” depends on her recognition of a rule
imposed by the context in virtue of the relevant facts, or a fortiori on her
recognition of “42” as a correct application of the rule. [ibid: 235]
This suggests a picture according to which facts about the
context external to the child’s conception of the demands of the rule nevertheless
make normative demands on her. The context of having counted up to 40 makes
saying ‘42’ appropriate independently of her conception of what she is doing.
‘42’ belongs to what has gone before,
is thus normatively connected to it, but she does not recognise that this is
the demand that the rule makes in the context.
A second passage provides a distinct argument for the ‘no
conception’ view of primitive normativity on the assumption that even a local
conception of what the next move is requires some grasp that this is relevantly
the same as previous moves.
[T]he child’s recognition of similarity is not sufficient to
account for her taking herself to be going on appropriately. She must not
merely take herself to be going on the same way; she must also take it that
going on the same way is the appropriate thing to do in the context, which is
to say that she must grasp a rule with a content like go on the same way
or do the same thing you were doing before. We are thus left with the
problem of how to account for her grasp of this rule... [ibid: 240]
The argument is that grasp of sameness is insufficient for
knowing how to continue. One would need to grasp the further rule that one should go on in the same way, that this is what the relevant normative demand is.
There is something to this worry. There seems little prospect of
factoring grasp of a rule into grasp of sameness plus grasp that sameness is
what one ought to aim at. Wittgenstein stresses that agreement is internal and
relative to the particular rule [cf Wittgenstein 1953 §224]. Thus grasp of the
rule and grasp of what agrees with it and hence what is relevantly the same in
virtue of according with the rule goes hand in hand.
But this point applies equally to what Ginsborg does make
explicit: that the child grasps that the next move fits, belongs or is appropriate to the context. Those
notions are equally insufficient for going on correctly. (A rule could dictate
that the next move should stand out from, rather than fitting, what has gone
before.)
It seems on balance, however, that Ginsborg does subscribe to a
minimal ‘no conception’ version of primitive normativity (I will return to a
further strategic reason why this is so shortly). Further, she seems not to be
alone. In a passage in which she discusses how little may be necessary for rule
following, Julia Tanney considers the conceptual possibility of rule following
without the ability to cite higher level rules, or to repeat the performance or
without training. She comments:
[I]f we agree with the thought that someone might be able to
solve Rubik’s Cube even if she had never been trained by anyone, then this
gives us a reason to reject the idea that there must be an internal connection
between the rules that govern an activity and the individual who makes the
moves. We can say that it is sometimes enough to credit someone with playing
the game if she acts in accordance with the rules. Knowledge (implicit or
otherwise) has dropped out of the picture. To insist that someone cannot solve
the puzzle unless she somehow conceives the rules (even if she cannot
articulate them, even to herself) and acts in the light of her conception of
the rules is simply dogmatic. What would justify such insistence? If this
person were suddenly entered in a contest and produced the cube with the
colours in the right places, we would not withhold the prize because she merely
acted in accordance with, but did not follow, the rules. Acting in accordance
with the rules is solving the puzzle in certain cases. [Tanney 2013: 85-6]
On this account, having rejected a number of potentially
necessary substantial claims as in fact unnecessary for rule following, Tanney
concludes that, in the right context, mere accord
with a rule constitutes rule following.
Further, this does not seem to be merely a claim about the epistemology of the
ascription of rule following – which, indeed, in the right context, apparent
accord warrants the further ascription of intentional rule following – since
Tanney connects it to the rejection of an internal connection between rules and
agent. An epistemological interpretation, by contrast, is consistent with
maintaining that accord in performance is evidence
for such a connection, amounting to the grasp of the rule by the agent.
Instead, and in response to a number of bogus explanations of rule following
which fail because they presuppose precisely the abilities they purport to
explain, Tanney offers a kind of deflationary approach. The failure of
cognitivist explanations of rule following leads to a rejection of cognition.
‘To insist that someone must conceive the rules somehow – even if what it would be for her to conceive these rules
is inaccessible to us – is misguided; it fails to explain anything’ [ibid: 86].
Despite this support, the ‘no conception’ version of primitive
normativity faces a key objection. It severs the connection between primitively
rule-governed behaviour and intentional action and the blurs the distinction
between mere accord with a rule and intentionally following it. It is this
distinction which marks the difference between a merely dispositional parrot,
whose behaviour may accord with a rule available to a third person description,
and a human subject with some sense of her new moves fitting or belonging with
what went before, some sense of normative correctness.
But there is no need to get into such difficulty if the aim is
merely to fit an intuitive description of the phenomenology of the child’s
early performance in, as we might say, counting in twos or grouping by colour. The
middle ground between dispositional accord with a rule and full-blown
conceptual normativity is not the primitive normativity of someone with no conception of what she is doing but
with a merely local conception. Such
a conception is not tied to the local context of counting or sorting objects
brutely or merely externally in virtue of an ascription of rule-accord by an
observer. Rather, it is expressed by the demonstrative judgements of the child
and her capacity to demonstrate and explain by example what fits with what she
has been doing.
This idea runs counter to one of Ginsborg’s explicit claims: ‘I
maintain that there is a sense in which you ought to say “125,” given the
finite list of your previous uses, independent of what meaning, if any, those
uses expressed’ [Ibid:
232-3 italics added]. On the local conception this is wrong. Correctness is
tied via a local conception to what a speaker’s past utterances expressed even if the speaker is unable
to offer a context-independent linguistic codification of her actions as
instances of following the plus-two rule or the sorting of green objects. Her
conceiving of her actions might not extend very far up the natural numbers (eg
beyond 100) or to cover darker or lighter shades of green (by contrast with the
vivid colours of children’s toys). So it is potentially doubly local:
expressible only in some particular context of practical demonstration (by
contrast with context-free linguistic codification) and covering only some
particular instances and thus not actually extensionally equivalent to our concepts of plus two, or green but
rather a primitive version of them.
I suggested that there is a further strategic reason why this
view is unavailable to Ginsborg. She deploys the idea of primitive normativity
as a novel response to Kripke’s sceptical argument. Her aim is to sidestep the
arguments Kripke deploys against any justification one can currently offer for
knowing what one meant in the past by one’s words, thus to undermine a standard
of correctness for current use. Primitive normativity has, for those strategic
purposes, thus to be independent of any conceptual conception. A local
conception is, however, a form of conceptual conception and its expression in a
pattern past, finite examples is just as much subject to Kripke’s argument as a
full blown linguistic concept. That is to say, that is not part of a new defence of meaning against Kripke’s
argument.
‘Local conception’
primitive normativity and language learning
Primitive normativity guided by a local conception of what a
speaker is doing promises a partial answer to the initial two-fold challenge of
describing language learning. One aspect of Fodor’s challenge was to sketch a
rational mechanism for concept acquisition (hence learning). On the assumptions that a) the only plausible option is hypothesis
formation and testing and b) hypothesis formation presupposes the very
conceptual mastery in question, no rational mechanism seems possible.
Primitive normativity guided by and expressive of a local
conception is a plausible intermediary between mere dispositional accord with
rules and full blown linguistic mastery. The intermediate stage involves
testing the hypothesis that a new linguistic concept expresses a content
previously grasped in some local demonstrative manner. As suggested above, the
grasp of a full blown linguistic concept may requires the piecemeal extension
of a more primitive, merely local conception of a rule. But there may be some
gradations of understanding between having no and a first language.
Of course, the very idea of an essentially situation-dependent
conceptual understanding does not fit within the basic idea of Fodor’s
representational theory of mind according to which content always has an inner
vehicle. So no such middle ground is available to Fodor himself. Thus for
anyone uneasy with Fodor’s innativism, his argument against language learning
remains a powerful reductio of his representationalism. But the idea does
provide a way to address the version of his argument mentioned at the start
framed in terms of prior concept possession but agnostic about Fodor’s account
of inner vehicles.
What of anti-reductionism? A local conception offers only partial
progress here. By contrast with Ginsborg’s own account of primitive
normativity, the idea that normativity always presupposes that the subject has
some albeit local conception according to which she acts provides no middle
ground between the ‘space of reasons’ and the ‘realm of law’ or the ‘manifest
image of man in the world’ and the ‘scientific image’. Even a local conception
belongs in the space of reasons or the manifest image. So it cannot be part of
a route into those spaces from without. But it does help put a little flesh on
the bones of the idea that ‘light dawns gradually over the whole’.
‘The whole’ need not merely be understood to be the gradual
acquiring of a world view, as Wittgenstein describes in On Certainty (from where the phrase comes) [Wittgenstein 1969
§141]. It can also include mastery of primitive albeit still conceptually
structured rules. This is no account of how conceptual normativity can be
bootstrapped from non-conceptual dispositions but does suggest how more complex
and abstract concepts cane be developed from more primitive local forms.
References
Fodor, J. (2008) LOT2: The
language of thought revisited. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Ginsborg, H. (2011) ‘Primitive Normativity and Skepticism about
Rules’ The Journal of Philosophy 108: 227-254
Hattiangadi, A. (2006) Oughts
and Thoughts: Rule-Following and the Normativity of Content. Oxford: Oxford
University Press
Kripke, S. (1982) Wittgenstein
on rules and private language. Oxford: Blackwell
McDowell, J. (1998) Meaning
knowledge and reality. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Tanney, J. (2013) Rules,
Reason and Self Knowledge. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press
Wittgenstein, L. (1969) On
Certainty. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Monday, 18 November 2013
Notes for a talk on the meaning of life
I am giving a short 20 minute talk some time between 7:45 and 8:30am tomorrow in Scholars on campus on the meaning of life. It is one of those things that non-philosophers find disappointing about academic philosophy that this subject doesn't come up all that often and I must say that I feel rather fraudulent.
Exploring the Meaning amongst the Doing
Or:
What we talk about when we talk about ‘the meaning of life’
1: The problem of talking about ‘the meaning of life’
Douglas Adams, Deep Thought, 42
and the ‘Ultimate Question of Life, The Universe, and Everything’.
We already know the absurdity of
that being the right answer. And yet we also realise that there is something very
odd about the question.
Philosophers’ quick ways with
such things: declare such issues meaningless via tests of meaning such as the verification principle. Too quick.
2: Making sense of our actions
We explain our actions differently
from other happenings. We shed light on / make sense of / justify them.
Two forms of explanation. “Why
are you gathering kindling?”.
Either: “I am building a fire”.
Or “I want to build a fire.”
The latter may better fit a scientific explanation but the former is basic.
Either: “I am building a fire”.
Or “I want to build a fire.”
The latter may better fit a scientific explanation but the former is basic.
Rational
explanation.
3:
Action explanation iterates
“Why are you building a fire”. “I’m
cooking / I want to cook a meal”.
“Why are you cooking a meal?”…
“Why are you cooking a meal?”…
We make sense of individual actions by
putting them into a broader context. Without limit?...
4:
The danger of contemplation
The iteration of practical action
explanation stops with what is not (<> cannot be) called into question:
eg a local conception of a life. (Links to a sense of identity.)
But at 4am:
“Why am I – do I live as – a chef?”
“Although I am a chef, should I be one?”
“Why am I – do I live as – a chef?”
“Although I am a chef, should I be one?”
For example, for anything I have been
told to do by an authority, at 4am I can ask, should I listen to that
authority? Eg, the law. Nothing written down actually compels. Nothing is i ntrinsically compelling. We have to agree to be so bound.
5:
The meaning of life?
The problem: without some yet broader context,
any project / conception of life could always be questioned.
Hence we want a context for our
actions which itself needs no further explanation / justification: the Meaning
of Life itself.
But a) the more from a local, assumed
conception of a life – eg. being a chef – to a completely general one, the more
possibilities are open and hence the stronger the selective justification needs
to be. What general conception of a Meaning of Life would enable the derivation of all the different local conceptions of life which, as a matter of fact, turn out about right? (Would it also apply to life on Mars?)
And b) (as above) we have no model for an
intrinsically compelling conception of what we ought to do.
6:
The moral
The meaning of a life is found only within some local conception of a life. There
are limits to disengaged contemplation, explanation and justification: the
meaning is in one sense ineffable.
We can only explain the attraction of
a local conception of a life to those who already share similar sensibilities.
We demonstrate it. The meaning is in the doing.
Saturday, 9 November 2013
At the Philosophy at 40 at Anglia Ruskin conference
Having only taught a single module (on Wittgenstein) for a couple of years here, I am something of an interloper at the conference celebrating 40 years of philosophy at Anglia. But it is interesting to arrive to see a hugely developed campus and to sit in The Lord Ashcroft building in rather a pessimistic round table discussion of the future of universities (and the future of philosophy). There is a shared agreement that there has been a collapse in the idea of a common good and hence the ground rules for financing higher education (and for that matter, energy supply, the railways, the postal service etc).
In that context, one particular paper from the morning stood out. Mike Wilby gave a paper on natural inter-subjectivity which took as a starting point the contrast between chimps and small children taking part in cooperative activity. Whilst chimps have a sensitivity of fellow chimps' perceptions in competitive behaviour (subordinate chimps only taking food when they see that the dominant chimp cannot see it) they do not in cooperative behaviour. By contrast, small children are able to play cooperatively from the age of nine months or so.
Wilby took his challenge to be to give an account of essentially shared or mutual mental states in the face of incredulity from the likes of John Searle or Peter Strawson. Considering a case in which two people must cooperate to catch a rabbit, he suggested that, like an individual case, there would need to be some account of a development from a general prior intention (to catch some rabbit or other) to an particular or object-dependent intention-in-action to catch that! rabbit. In the individual case, the obvious intermediate is a perception of a particular rabbit.
Wilby's argument was that none of the three states in the cooperative activity could plausibly be reduced to an individual account. An individualistic version of the prior intention would have to be something like: I intend that we catch a rabbit. But I can only intend my own actions. At most I can intend to make it come about that we catch a rabbit. But such individual intending to make a joint action come about might not be cooperative (Bratman's 'mafia objection') and hence does not capture the cooperative example at hand.
There are also problems also with modelling joint attention in individualistic terms. Wilby suggested a kind of never ending escalation from:
I perceive the rabbit.
I perceive the rabbit and I perceive that you perceive the rabbit.
I perceive the rabbit and I perceive that you perceive the rabbit and I perceive that you perceive that I perceive the rabbit etc etc
But none of these closes off what mutual attention seems to achieve. And there are similar problems with the intention-in-action. Given additionally the complex individualistic model would have to be grasped by the nine month old children who play cooperatively this is surely all better accounted for by the idea of genuinely mutual mental states such as prior intentions, joint attention and mutual intentions-in-action.
I rather liked all this, not least because it provides a further argument against the reductionism of representational theories of mind.
Monday, 28 October 2013
Williams and McDowell on epistemological realism and disjunctivism
I’m teaching epistemology again this year and running through the
same anti-sceptical arguments as last year.
- Putnam’s attempt to show that the sceptical ringer is in some sense impossible – because self-refuting – even though it violates no physical law.
- Davidson’s argument that our beliefs must in general be true.
- Williams’ theoretical diagnosis that the sceptic presupposes a substantial and optional theory of knowledge: epistemological realism. Without it, scepticism cannot get off the ground. But it isn’t independently motivated. (And, before we justify scepticism, the fact that epistemological realism implies scepticism is a positive reason to reject it.)
- McDowell’s theoretical diagnosis of scepticism about other minds and suggestion for a similar source for external world scepticism in the argument from illusion and highest common factor view of experience.
- Wittgenstein’s attempt a therapeutic diagnosis of scepticism.
But then the lingering worry returns: the sceptical hypotheses
themselves seem to impose more severe ground rules for their assessment. I (and
my students) recall that invoking perceptual contact with the world is merely
an instance of the kind of test one might merely dream that one were applying and passing. So the returning,
lingering worry runs: if it would fail were we asleep, what can it show when we
are awake?
In this context, McDowell’s ‘Criteria, defeasibility and
knowledge’ (and more recent work) does two things. First, it helps show how a
picture of experience – the highest common factor – which might help motivate foundationalism
is a) merely optional and b) threatens knowledge even without sceptical ringers
(all we need is the possibility of everyday illusion; we don’t also need
dreaming or brains in a vat). Second, it provides a further and explicit
response to the returning, lingering worry.
The latter follows from the idea of McDowell’s disjunctivism. In
the bad disjunct (eg, the case that one is dreaming), one’s apparent worldly experiences are merely
appearances (whatever dreams comprise) and hence one cannot have knowledge of
the external world because one’s beliefs are in no real relation to it. It would be the merest luck were they true. But in the good
disjunct (eg. being awake), perceptual knowledge of the external world – which
could, with Williams, also be used to justify the claim that one is not
dreaming – is differently constituted. No luck is involved in such perceptually
based knowledge (and hence it can be knowledge) because the experiences which
justify it are necessarily world-involving.
Now the brighter students are persuaded by this only briefly
before they raise the further question: but if one cannot tell the difference
between the two disjuncts, how does this account help?
My first response – specifically picking up McDowell’s paper – is
to suggest that progress has been
made. On the rejected highest common factor account, there can be no perceptually-based knowledge because the best that the
experience, on which it is supposed to be based, can do is not enough to rule
out the additional need for luck for the beliefs formed to be true. On the proposed disjunctivist view, by contrast, there is no luck involved in the good disjunct
so knowledge is sometimes possible
(and the bad disjunct realistically implies that attempts to know can also sometimes fail). So if one is in the good disjunct, one does have knowledge.
There are then a couple of typical student responses: the first
is to say that the indistinguishability of the disjuncts suggests that there is
luck involved in being in the good one in the first place and hence then having
world-involving experiences. If I understand McDowell here (and I may not), his reply to this is to concede that there is luck in being in a position to have knowledge (eg. to have a world-involving
experience on which to base a knowledge claim) but no further
knowledge-undermining luck (since the experience is necessarily world-involving
by contrast with being a mere appearance).
The second student response is to say that it only helps to be
persuaded (by disjunctivism) that, in the good disjunct, one does have
knowledge if one also knows whether one is in that disjunct, rather than the bad one, and hence knows that
one knows. Now this is a point that McDowell has addressed in recent papers but
the Rodl passage he quotes is as clear a statement. It runs (with some
additional carriage returns):
The argument (from illusion) is: Whenever I seem to know something
(on the basis of perceptual. experience), I might have been fooled. Had I been fooled,
I would not have known that I was. I would not have been able to tell my situation
apart from one in which I am not fooled. This shows that my grounds do not place
me in a position to exclude that I am in such a situation. They do not enable me
to exclude that I am fooled.
—The argument supposes that, had I been fooled, I would have believed
the proposition in question on the same grounds on which I believe it now that I
am not fooled. This straightforwardly entails that these grounds do not establish
the truth of what I believe and therefore do not provide me with knowledge.
But when I know something on the ground that, say, I perceive it to
be the case, then I would not, had I been fooled, have believed it on this ground,
for, had I been fooled, I would not have perceived it to be the case. Hence, when
I am not fooled, my grounds exclude that I am fooled: when I perceive how things
are, I am not fooled with regard to how they are.
One might object that this grants me grounds that rule out error at
the price of making it impossible for me to know whether my belief is based on such
grounds. For, when I am fooled, I do not know that I am fooled. So I can never know
whether I am not fooled and my beliefs are based on grounds that [establish] their
truth, or whether I am fooled and such grounds are unavailable to me.
This objection repeats the mistake: from the fact that, when I am
fooled, I do not know that I am, it does not follow that, when I am not fooled,
I do not know that I am not. When I know that p as I perceive it to be the case,
then I know that I perceive that p. Thus I am in a position to distinguish my situation
from any possible situation in which I would be fooled, for, in any such situation,
I would not perceive that p, while in the given situation I do.' [Rodl, S. (2007)Self-Consciousness,
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press pp 157-8]
This passage makes two key points. First, in reply to the
students’ second response, in the good disjunct, one knows how one knows and hence, in the good disjunct, one can know that one knows (since how one knows is good enough because necessarily
world-involving). Of course, had one been in the bad disjunct, one would have thought that one knew how one knew and that one knew but one would have been wrong on all counts: wrong
that one knew (whatever fact about the world) and hence how one knew (it) and
hence that one knew that one knew (it). But, second, the fact that, in the bad disjunct,
one does not know has no effect on the
good disjunct. ‘[F]rom the fact that, when I am fooled, I do not know that I
am, it does not follow that, when I am not fooled, I do not know that I am not’.
Theatrical determinism
By coincidence, the two plays I have seen in the last two or three weeks have shared the same structural feature. The action of we see in the play itself is largely determined by events which have taken place before it begins and about which we, the audience, slowly learn. (Perhaps relatedly, both were also set within a day and both staged in the round with a single set. All we seem to need is a time and space for talk.)
In Arthur Miller's 'All my sons' (at the Royal Exchange, Manchester), there is a very strong sense of fate (Fate!) playing with the pretensions to freedom of the characters' actions now. It verges on a pastiche of a Greek tragedy. The past even sends a letter to the present day to confound an attempt by one character (and perhaps we almost wish it too) to wriggle out of what has been previously set up.
In Eugene O'Nealls 'Long day's journey into night' (at the Bolton Octogon), there was less of a sense of the past playing havoc with the present as of the characters being unwilling to leave the past alone. Aside from the issue of the younger son's impending diagnosis, the forces of the play are endogenous rather than exogenous. They talk themselves into despair. Ironically in a play which lasted, in this production, 3 hours and 15 minutes, the most striking refrain was the other characters beseeching the mother figure, Mary Tyrone (played by Margot Leicester as someone who looped the start of the next sentence to the end of her previous one), to "stop talking". Indeed.
But it is distinctly theatrical, by contrast with most films, to have the sense that we are witnessing not the action of the play itself but merely it's aftermath. The action is long over before the stage lights go on.
In Arthur Miller's 'All my sons' (at the Royal Exchange, Manchester), there is a very strong sense of fate (Fate!) playing with the pretensions to freedom of the characters' actions now. It verges on a pastiche of a Greek tragedy. The past even sends a letter to the present day to confound an attempt by one character (and perhaps we almost wish it too) to wriggle out of what has been previously set up.
In Eugene O'Nealls 'Long day's journey into night' (at the Bolton Octogon), there was less of a sense of the past playing havoc with the present as of the characters being unwilling to leave the past alone. Aside from the issue of the younger son's impending diagnosis, the forces of the play are endogenous rather than exogenous. They talk themselves into despair. Ironically in a play which lasted, in this production, 3 hours and 15 minutes, the most striking refrain was the other characters beseeching the mother figure, Mary Tyrone (played by Margot Leicester as someone who looped the start of the next sentence to the end of her previous one), to "stop talking". Indeed.
But it is distinctly theatrical, by contrast with most films, to have the sense that we are witnessing not the action of the play itself but merely it's aftermath. The action is long over before the stage lights go on.
Friday, 4 October 2013
Recovery and Social Justice Wednesday 9th October 2013
Recovery and Social Justice: Transforming mental health at
individual, service and societal levels
Wednesday 9th October 2013
Location:Westleigh Conference Centre, University of Central
Lancashire
How should we understand recovery? Is it a model for transforming
mental health services? Is it a strategy for wider social justice? Is it used to
legitimise a reduction in support for mental health service users? How do the
US, Canadian and UK experiences differ? This one day conference, hosted by
Mental Health Research @ UCLan, will explore the nature and practical
consequences of a recovery orientation in mental health for individuals,
services and wider society. There will be a particular focus on considering to
what extent recovery promotes social justice. This conference will be of
interest to those concerned with a critical perspective on recovery and the
concrete implications for practice to achieve social change: including service
users, carers, advocates, researchers, mental health professionals, commissioners
and managers, and third sector organisations.
Speakers will include:
Larry Davidson(Professor of Psychology, Programme for Recovery
and Community Health, Yale)
Kathryn Church(Director of the School of Disability Studies,
Ryerson University, Toronto)
Karen Newbiggingand Karen Machin (University of Central
Lancashire)
Hari Sewell (Senior Visiting Fellow at University of Central
Lancashire)
Geoff Shepherd(Recovery Lead at the Centre for Mental Health)
Comensus (UCLan’s community engagement
and service user support group)
For more details contact: Liz Roberts, healthconferences@uclan.ac.uk
01772 893809
To register for a place, please visit the conference website at:
www.uclan.ac.uk/conferences
Cost: £80 with bursaries available for service users and carers
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